Lesson 1
The Unforgettable History
A. Warm-up activity:
Look at the photograph of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman giving the 7 March 1971 historic speech. Ask and answer the questions in pairs.
□ What do you know about Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman?
□ Where is he giving the speech? What was the time?
□ What is the significance of the speech?
□ Have you ever heard the speech? Where?
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's historic speech on 7th March 1971 was included in the memory of the world register as a documentary heritage by the UNESCO on 30 October 2017. This speech is a commentary on the historic events leading to the last phase of our independence and Bangabandhu's position as the leader of the nation. It also lists his directives for the people of this country who were about to begin war of independence.
B. Read the speech and follow the notes/questions given in the boxes at the right side of the text.
My brothers,
I stand before you today with a heart overflowing with grief. You are fully aware of the events
that are going on and understand their importance. We have been trying to do our best to cope
with the situation. And yet, 
unfortunately, the streets of Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna, Rajshahi
and Rangpur are awash with the blood of our brothers. The people of Bengal now want to be free, the people of Bengal now want to live, and the people of Bengal now want their rights.
What have we done that was wrong? After the elections, the people of Bangladesh voted as one
for me, for the Awami League. We were to sit in the National Assembly, draft a constitution for
ourselves there, and build our country; the people of this land would thereby get economic,
political, and cultural freedom. But it is with regret that I have to report to you today that we
have passed through twenty-three tragic years; Bengal’s history of those years is full of stories
of torture inflicted on our people, of bloodshed by them repeatedly. Twenty-three years of a
history of men and women in agony!The history of Bengal is the history of a people who have repeatedly made their highways crimson with their blood. We shed blood in 1952; even though we were the victors in the elections of 1954 we could not form a government then. In 1958 Ayub Khan declared Martial
Law to enslave us for the next ten years. In 1966 when we launched the six-point movement our
boys were shot dead on 7 June. When after the movement of 1969 Ayub Khan fell from power
and Yahya Khan assumed the reins of the government he declared that he would give us a
constitution and restore democracy, we listened to him then. A lot has happened since and
elections have taken place.
I’ve met President Yahya Khan. I’ve made a request to him not only on behalf of Bengal but also
as the leader of the party which has the majority in Pakistan; I said to him: “You must hold the
session of the National Assembly on 15 January.” But he did not listen to me. He listened to Mr.
Bhutto instead. At first, he said that the meeting would take place in the first week of March. We
said, “Fine, we will be taking our seats in the Assembly then.” I said we will carry out our
discussions in the Assembly. I went so far as to say that if anyone came up with an offer that was
just, even though we were in the majority we would agree to that offer.
Mr. Bhutto came here; he carried out discussions with us; he had said that the doors of
negotiations had not been shut and that there would be further negotiations. I then had talks with
other leaders; I said to them, “Come and sit down with us; let’s create a constitution for
ourselves through discussions.” But Mr. Bhutto declared that if West Pakistan members came
here the Assembly would end up as a slaughterhouse. He claimed that whoever came here would
be slaughtered. He said that if anyone showed up here all shops from Peshawar to Karachi
would be shut down.
I declared that the Assembly would continue to meet. But suddenly on the 1st of March the
Assembly was shut down. Mr. Yahya Khan called the session of the Assembly in his capacity as
the President and I declared I would be attending it. Mr. Bhutto said he wouldn’t be part of it.
Thirty-five members of the Assembly came from West Pakistan to take part in its proceedings.
But it was dissolved all of a sudden. The blame was put on the people of Bengal; the finger was
pointed at me!
After the Assembly’s session was prorogued, the people of this country protested. I told them,
“Observe the General Strike we have called peacefully.” I told them “Shut down all mills and
factories.” Our people responded to my call. They came to the streets spontaneously. They
expressed their firm determination to carry out the struggle peacefully.
What have we got in return? Those who brought arms with our money to defend us from external
enemies are now using those arms on the poor,- the wretched,- the downtrodden people of the land. Bullets are being aimed at their hearts. We constitute the majority in Pakistan; but whenever we Bengalis have tried to assume power they have used force on us.
I have had a talk with Mr. Yahya Khan. I told him, “Mr. Yahya, you are the President of
Pakistan; come and observe how the poor people of my country are being mowed down with
bullets; come and see how our mothers are being deprived of their children; how my people are
being massacred. Come, observe, and only then pass a judgment on what is going on. He has
apparently said that I had agreed to attend a Round Table Conference on the 10th of March.
Didn’t I say a long time back: what is the point of another Round Table conference? Who will I
sit with? Should I sit with those who have shed the blood of my people? He has suddenly
dissolved the Assembly without carrying out any discussions with me; after sitting in a secret
meeting for five hours he gave a speech where he has put all the blame on me. He has even
blamed the Bengali people!
My brothers,
The Assembly has been called into session on the 25th of March. But the blood spilled on our
streets has not yet dried. About the 10th of this month, I have told them: Mujibur Rahman won’t
join the Round Table Conference because that would mean wading over the blood that has been
shed. Although you have called the Assembly into session, you’ll have to listen to my demands
first. You’ll have to withdraw Martial Law. You’ll have to return all army personnel to their
barracks. You’ll have to investigate the way our people have been murdered. And you’ll have to
transfer power to the representatives of the people. It is only then that I’ll decide whether we will
take our seats in the Assembly or not. I don’t want the Prime Minister’s office. We want the
people of this country to have their rights. I want to state clearly that from this day Bangladesh’s
courts, magistracies, government offices and educational institutions will be shut down
indefinitely. So that the poor don’t have to suffer, so that my people don’t have to go through
hardships, all other things will be exempted from the General Strike from tomorrow. Rickshaws,
horse carriages, trains, and launches will be allowed to move. Only the Secretariat, the Supreme
Court, the High Court, Judges’ Court and semi-government organizations such as WAPDA will
not be allowed to work. On the 28th employees will go and collect their salaries. If their salaries
are not paid, if another bullet is fired, if my people are shot dead again, I request all of you:
convert every house into a fort; confront the enemy with whatever you have. And even at the risk
of your life, and even if I am not around to direct you, shut down all shops and make sure that
traffic on all roads and ports are brought to a standstill. If need be, we will starve to death, but
we’ll go down striving for our rights.
To those in the armed forces I have this to say: you are my brothers; stay in your barracks and
no one will bother you. But don’t try again to aim your bullets at our chests. You can’t suppress
seventy million people forever. Since we have learned to sacrifice ourselves no one can suppress
us anymore.
And as for our martyrs and those who have been wounded, we in the Awami League will do
everything we can to assist them and their loved ones. If you have the means, please give what
little you can to our Relief Committee. To owners of factories whose workers had participated in
the General Strike the last seven days I have this to say: make sure that they are paid wages for
those days: To government employees I have this to tell: you’ll have to listen to my directives.
Till our country is liberated, taxes and customs duties won’t be collected. No one will pay them
either.
Remember: the enemy is amidst us to create chaos and confusion, to create anarchy and to loot.
In our Bengal Hindus and Muslims, Bengalis and non-Bengalis are all brothers. We are
responsible for their safety; let us not taint ourselves in any way.
Remember those of you who work for radio and television: if the people running the radio station
aren’t ready to listen to us, no Bengali will report for work there. Banks will be open for two
hours every day so that people can collect their salaries. But we won’t allow even a single
poisha to be transferred from East Bengal to West Pakistan. Telephones and telegram services
will continue as before in our East Bengal; if we have to transmit news abroad you will see to
that. But if any attempt is made to exterminate our people all Bengalis must take appropriate
action.
Form Revolutionary Committees under the leadership of the Awami League in every village,
every community. Be prepared to act with whatever you have in your possession. (L 116)
Remember: since we have already had to shed blood, we’ll have to shed a lot more of it; by the
Grace of God, however, we’ll be able to liberate the people of this land.
The struggle this time is a struggle for our emancipation-the struggle this time is a struggle for
freedom.
Joi Bengal!
[The speech has been translated by Fakrul Alam]
C. Answer the following questions:
1. Which features of the speech do you appreciate most? Why?
2. What are the two main parts of the speech?
3. Why does Bangabandhu say that “that 23 years of our history with Pakistan is a history of
repression and bloodshed?”
4. How do you differentiate between the ‘struggle for freedom’ and the ‘struggle for
emancipation?”
5. Can you compare this speech with other famous speeches in history that you know about?
D. Who do the following pronouns refer to?
"you" (line 2), "we" (line 19), "we" (line 20), "we" (line 34), "them" (line 41), "them" (line 55), "they" (line 57), "they" (line 67), "these" (line 76), "you (line 104), "you" (line 107), "your" (line 109), "them" (line 113), ''they'' (line 117), ''you'' (line 118)
E. Make three separate lists of Bangabandhu's directives to different sections of people.
F. See the grid below. It has two columns—one on Causes and the other on Effects. Provide the missing causes against effects and missing effects against the causes provided.
G. Read the speech again. The speech has references to some years and dates in our history. Find out their historical importance and complete the flow chart, ending with 25 March 1971.
H. Work in pairs. Justify the title of the lesson The Unforgettable History.
I. Project work
a. Present your ideas on how the March 7 speech has become a part of our history.
b. Make a fact file on Bangabandhu's life.
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